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Since October 7th, I've joined protests, fundraising events for Gaza, and students on university campuses.

As a Jew and someone who has a ton of friends and family in Israel, I want to share some thoughts on claims of antisemitism in student encampments and the broader Palestinian solidarity movement:

1/17
#Israel #Palestine #Gaza #students #universities

reshared this

in reply to Raph

The full version of this thread is available on my blog for easier reading: https://www.onesmalldetail.blog/campus-protests-antisemitism-and-the-lessons-from-history/

2/17

in reply to Raph

We see on social media and in the news antisemitic chants, overt support for Hamas, and other distressing reports. No question that some of these are true. I watched myself a video of a small group of protesters chant "burn Tel Aviv to the ground". I lived in Tel Aviv & many of my relatives still live there. Calls to burn Tel Aviv to the grounds are calls to kill my relatives.

But anyone who has been on campuses in the past month knows that this is a far cry from the heart of the movement
3/17

in reply to Raph

It is easy to get bogged down by viral videos & news reports of violent statements, to think that the movement initially felt so promising to challenge the status quo in Palestine-Israel but was hijacked by extremists.

But unsavory and even violent rhetoric and behaviors are, sadly, to be expected.

4/17

in reply to Raph

One of the beautiful things about mass movements is that they gather people from all walks of life: with or without formal education; working class, middle-class or well off; from all ethnic backgrounds; people who have stable lives and people with mental illnesses.
5/17
in reply to Raph

This means mass movements cannot have a single, well-defined message. They are open, diffuse and decentralized. Those who do not fully grasp the ethos of the movement (including people who are mentally unstable) can join in. Like anyone else, they can make statements or engage in behaviors that go against the movement's aims or are simply abhorrent. Parasitic individuals and groups often join in to co-opt the movement, to push their own agenda, or just to spew hate and incite violence.
6/17
in reply to Raph

When I organized for Bernie Sanders in 2016, the movement gathered an multiracial, multi-generational coalition of people united in their fight for more social justice in the United States. But some activists went too far, too strong & too loudly—engaging in toxic behaviors online and offline, against anyone who opposed our movement. The establishment conveniently latched onto these individuals to paint the movement as being overrun by extremist "Bernie Bros".
7/17
in reply to Raph

During protests following the police murder of George Floyd, I often marched alongside white anarchists who clearly sought to provoke clashes with the police (most of the time, the police didn't need any provocation to be violent anyway). This, of course, said nothing about the justness and the critical importance of the protests and the Movement for Black Lives in general. There is nothing surprising, then, that grifters and extremists are joining in the Palestinian solidarity movement.
8/17
in reply to Raph

Antisemitism is widespread in American society. It is most prevalent and most violent in the right and far-right (see the deadly shooting at the Tree of Life synagogue in 2018). But Jewish conspiracy theories are present on the left too.
It would be widely naive to think that, miraculously, the Palestinian solidarity movement—a movement of hundreds of thousand, maybe millions—would be exempt from antisemitism, as if it didn't emerge out of American society.
9/17
in reply to Raph

Antisemitism in all its forms, especially in a movement for justice & liberation, must be condemned & fought in the strongest possible way. What is markedly difficult right now is to decipher what is antisemitism & what isn’t.

First, for many Jews, Zionism is an integral part of their Jewishness—alongside Jewish traditions, languages, religion, etc. To them, it is impossible to separate Zionism from Jewish identity. So attacking Zionism or Israel feels like an attack on their identity.

10/17

in reply to Raph

It feels to them as if, by calling for a transformation of Israel from a Jewish state to a state for all its citizens, you are in fact calling for the destruction of the entity that (in their mind) ensures Jewish safety.

So when Zionist Jews feel unsafe in the face of anti-Israel or anti-Zionist rhetoric, they are not faking it: they actually feel threatened, they feel attacked. But their subjective feelings do not mean that they are facing objective threats.

11/17

in reply to Raph

Second, the cynical instrumentalization of antisemitism by pro-Israel advocates makes it harder than ever to distinguish anti-Zionism from antisemitism.

The ADL has been including anti-Zionist protests in its tally of antisemitic events. https://forward.com/news/575687/anti-defamation-league-adl-antisemitism-count-anti-zionism/

Establishment Jewish institutions, mainstream media outlets, and many public figures have erased any form of separation between anti-Zionism and antisemitism.

12/17

in reply to Raph

Finally, I haven’t heard of Jewish students who were active participants in the encampments and left because of rampant antisemitism. Jewish students have a significant presence in many of the encampments and protests.

13/17

in reply to Raph

If anti-Jewish hatred was widespread, I believe many of these Jewish students would rapidly pack up, go home, and dissociate themselves from the movement and—like everything these days—it would be aggressively shared online.

Yet, they aren't just remaining at the forefront of the movement, but these Jewish protesters are also very visibly taking part in Jewish rituals right in the middle of the encampments.

14/17